VANISHED CIVILIZATIONS
of the Ancient World
Edited by Edward Bacon
(Excerpts)
A once mighty folk scattered among the nations
by T. Sulimirski.
By the beginning of the Christian era, the term Sarmatia appeared in ancient written records, replacing the name Scythia given formerly to the eastern part of Europe....
...The Sarmatians were of Iranian stock, and were close relatives of the ancient Scythians, Medes and Parthians and also of the Persians; their language was related to that of Avesta. Herodotus, a Greek historian of the 5th century BC, mentions that 'they used the Scythian language, speaking it corruptly'. No Sarmatian written texts have come down to us, except a number of personal names usually of their rulers...
(These) western Sarmatians were evidently united under a strong
central leadership. Written records call them 'the Royal Sarmatians'..
One of their kings, Galatus, is mentioned in a peace treaty concluded
about 179 BC by the King of Pontus (in Turkey, south of the Black
sea) and a queen Amage, appears in records some decades later.
The only finds that can be linked with the Royal Sarmatians are
golden or silver gilt horse trappings (phalerae) dated
to the 2nd century BC. They have embossed ornament, either geometrical
or in animal style reminiscent of ancient Assyrian or
Ionian...(highlights by Ed.)
...The Sarmatians who appear on Trajan's column (the Roxolani)
or on the Arch of Galerius at Salonica were clad and armed in
the same manner... (page 289)
Masters of the Central Steppes: the Eastern Sarmatians.
The Aorsi*, living mainly to the east of the Volga, were the most
remote...A branch of the Aorsi (probably fugitives from the main
group) settled west of the Volga, around the lower Don... In the
middle of the 1st century AD the Aorsi lost their leading position
among the Eastern Sarmatian and were replaced by the Alans.
The Siraces of the Kuban.
The second group, the Siraces, lived further to the south, in
the valley of the Kuban and the steppes immediately north of it.
Strabo says that their king Abeacus had at his disposal in c.66-63
BC only 20,000 horsemen, whereas Spadines, king of the Aorsi,
who bordered them to the north had 200,000. (pg.291)
Invasion of the West: the Iazyges.
The earliest history of the Iazyges is unknown. (highlights
by the Ed.) They may have been identical with the 'Royal Sarmatians'...
The Iazyges allied themselves with Mithridates Eupator of Pontus
(in Asia Minor) in his war against Rome. We hear that in 78-76
BC a punitive expedition was undertaken by the Romans against
the Iazyges north of the Danube, obviously in connection with
an incursion of theirs into Roman territory. It was the first
of many encounters. The Iazyges were to become familiar adversaries.
...Soon after 20 AD the Iazyges crossed the Carpathians and settled
in the Hungarian Plain between the Theiss** and the Danube.
(pg.292)
...In AD 175 peace was concluded, Marcus taking the title 'Sarmaticus'
and his victories being celebrated in Imperial coinage. Hard conditions
were imposed on the Iazyges. They were required to dwell far away
from the Danube and had to contribute 8,000 cavalry to the Roman
army, 5,500 of whom were sent to Britain.
These Sarmatians in Britain were distributed through the northern
frontierland in units of 500. Traces of them have so far been
discovered at three sites. In the Roman fort at Chester on Hadrian's
wall, an eye-shield from a cataphract horse was found, probably
Sarmatian, and also a number of beads typical of the Sarmatians
in Hungary. There is a funeral stele showing a Sarmatian horseman
at Chester, and in the ancient fort of Bremetennacum at Ribchester
near Lancaster, inscriptions bear witness to a Sarmatian cavalry
unit 500 strong.
Nothing is known about the fate of these men, but at least some
of them never returned to their homeland. A settlement of veterans
was established at Bremetennacum; it never became a real town,
but it was still in existence in the early 5th century AD.
...Conflict with Rome continued intermittently... They were evidently
a strong people whom the Romans were unable to subdue permanently.
...A new feature in graves in the so-called 'herdsmens' bag'-an
assemblage consisting of an iron knife, iron awl, fire-stone and
flint and sometimes a wheatstone. The ruling classes continued
to be buried in barrow-graves, of which a notable example has
been found at Szil in the centre of Roman Pannonia. It
is possibly the grave of a Sarmatian prince who fell in battle
during an incursion in the 2nd century AD.
...Fighting went on through the end of the 4th century AD. In
the early 5th century came the Huns... In 472 they (i.e. Sarmatians)
were beaten by Theodoric, king of the Visigoths, and two Sarmatian
kings, Beukan and Babai***, fell in battle." (Page
293)
Page 293 shows several "tamga-signs". In this selection,
we find one created with dots similar to the script found in Roman
occupied England, and which is a custom that still exists in Hungary.
*
* The name Aorsi has a Hungarian meaning of "sentry, patrol"
(õrs).
**The Hungarian names of these rivers are Tisza and Duna. Note
the common origin of the names of the rivers Don (Russia) - Duna
(Hungary) - Don (England). One common denominator of these place-names
was the presence of Scytho-Sarmatian peoples and of their predecessors
in these areas.
***Babai is still a familiar Hungarian last name. Beucan carries
a Hungarian meaning. (Bõ+kan = rich, abundant + male/ruler)
[Note: the names Iazig and Sarmatian are used intermittently for
the same peoples. Ed.]
***
The above quoted material contains data which concern the Sarmatian-Iazyg
presence in England. Mr. Dan Robinson, Keeper of Archaeology at
the Grosvenor Museum in Chester, England sent some very valuable
further information concerning our subject, the Sarmatian presence
in Europe. (Date of the letter May 15, 1996, reference DJR/RBM).
The material he sent can be grouped into two categories:
1. A letter answering my questions, and suggested readings.
2. Copies of reference materials, concerning the above subject.
*
Source: Mr.Dan Robinson, Keeper of Archaeology, Grosvenor
Museum 27 Grosvenor st. Chester CH1 2DD England.
ad.1. Data contained in the letter:
1. "First of all, all the records we have for Britain speak
of "Sarmatians," not "Iazyges." I am not sure
if this is significant or not in relation to your research.
2. The recors speak of Marcus Aurelius sending 5500 Sarmatians
to Britain, not to Chester specifically.
3. The Sarmatian cavalry in Britain then 'disappeared' - we do
not know where they went or what became of them, except that one
ala (cavalry regiment) was stationed at Ribchester. This
accounts for about 500 of the Sarmatians who were sent to Britain.
Where did the other 5000 go? We don't know.
4. There is a single tombstone from Chester of a Sarmatian. There
is no inscription surviving, but the dress and the dragon standard
are enough to identify him. I am sending you a copy of a photograph
of the stone, and also an artist's reconstruction of what it looked
like before it was damaged.
5. Chester is some 60 miles south of Ribchester. We believe that
Chester acted as administration centre for North Wales and North
West England, and that forts like Ribchester were subordinated
to the Legionary base at Chester. It therefore seems likely that
the reason we have a solitary Sarmatian buried at Chester is that
he had been on an errand to "head office" and died while
he was here.
6. You will see that your source mentioning several 'grave-sites'
in Chester is mistaken; I am afraid that the names you mention
in your letter do not mean anything to me either. Our single Sarmatian
gravestone has no writing left on it."
Recommended lit.:
AN ATLAS OF ROMAN BRITAIN
by BARRI JONES AND DAVID MATTINGLY
published by BLACKWELL, OXFORD 1990
ISBN 0 - 631 - 13791 - 2
ROMAN BRITAIN - OUTPOST OF THE EMPIRE
by H.H. SCULLARD
published by Thames and Hudson, London 1979
Roman Britain - Life In An Imperial Province, by Keith
Brannigan published by the Readers Digest Association 1980
ad.2 The following sources are from copies received from
Mr. Dan Robinson:
Roman Inscriptions of Britain, Vol.I. (inscriptions on
stone) by R.G. Collingwood and R.P. Wright, Oxford 1965
TUNSHILL FARM - RIBCHESTER
(pages 194-195)
TUNSHILL FARM
MILNROW (LANCS.)
(2 miles east of Rochdale)
582. Plate of silver, 1 11/16x1 in. (1/1), attached by
a chain of four links to a wristlet on the right arm, 9 in. long,
of a silver statuette of Victory. Found in 1793 in a quarry on
Tunshill Farm, in the parish of Milnrow, 3/4 mile south-east of
the parish church at Milnrow. Now in the possession of Lord Astor,
of Hever Castle, Kent. A replica is now in the Tolson Memorial
Museum, Huddersfield. Drawn by R.G.C., 1930 when on loan in the
London Museum.
Victoriae / leg(ionis) VI Vic(tricis) / Val(erius) Rufus /
u(otum) s(oluit) l(ibens) m(erito)
'To the Victory of the Sixth Legion* Victrix Valerius Rufus
willingly and deservedly fulfilled his vow.'
The letters have been punched**. This plate and the movable
wristlet to which it is added appear to form an offering additional
to the statuette itself. Sir George Macdonald points out that
this must represent loot from the legionary headquarters at York.
(kiemelés tõlem)
* The highlighted Sixt Legion, as we will see later was the cavalry
unit of the Sarmatians stationed there.
**The names written with dots is a very unique characteristic
of the Hungarians even up to the present day and had religious
significance in olden days.
RIBCHESTER
(LANCS.)
BREMENTENNACVM
Brementenn(acensium) RIB 583
Bremetonnaci It. Ant. 481, 5
Bremetenracum Not. Dign. Occ. xl 54.
Bresnetenaci Veteranorum Rav. 124 (Arch. xciii 25).
For the settlement of ueterani see Richmond JRS XXXV (1945)22
583. Shaft of rectangular pedestal, 24x51x20 in. (1/12),
found in 1578 at Ribchester, then taken to Salesbury Hall, where
the inscribed face was built against a wall. Rediscovered in 1814
by Whitaker, who bequeathed it to St. John's College, Cambridge,
where it now is.
The top of the shaft has been roughly dressed with a chisel and
has drafted margins and an oblong lewishole to take a superimposed
stone. It is part of a monument, and not an altar.
The left side from which the surface had broken away before 1578,
was subsequently trimmed with a chisel. On the right side is a
relief of Apollo, nude but with a cloak draped from his shoulders
and a head-dress which seems to be a Phrygian cap*. He
has a quiver on his back, but there is now no trace of his bow,
which may have stood at his left side. He rests on his lyre**,
which stands at his right side on some small object.
On the back, which has lost about 4 in. of its right margin but
no part of the sculpture, stand two female figures facing one
another, each in a niche. The lefthand figure is young,
has flowing locks***, and wears what may be a turreted
crown, but no veil****. Her drapery covers her back and
shoulders but leaves the entire front of the body bare***
from the thighs upwards. The right-hand figure wears a similar
head-dress, but is veiled***** and fully draped. She is
handing a box-like object to her younger companion. They are the
personifications of the Regio Bremetennacensis and Britannia
Inferior, respectively. Drawn by R.G.C., 1927, with additions
by R.P.W., 1943
1. Deo an(cto) / [A]pollini Mapono / [pr]o salute D(omini)
2. N(ostri) / [et] n(umeri) eq(uitum) Sar/[m(atarum)]
3. Bremetenn(acensium) / [G]ordiani / [A]el(ius) An-
4 toni/nus c(enturio) leg(ionis) VI / Vic(tricis) domo /
5. Melitenis / praep(ositus).n(umeri) et r(egionis)
6. /.../.../15.../...
"To the holy god Apollo Maponus for the welfare of our Lord
(the Emperor) and of Gordian's Own Unit of Sarmatian cavalry
of Bremetennacum Aelius Antoninus, centurion of the Sixth
Legion Victrix, from Melitene, commandant of the contingent
of the region [...'
The title Gordiani dates the inscription to the reign of
Gordian (A.D. 238-44) or possibly later.
sc.(castris). Melitene, on the River Euphrates, where legio
XII Fulminata was in garrison.
The meaning of the following inscriptions is debated, and I am
quoting only the different mentioned possibilities.
2. RONALSON Anon., Camd.; POLNAPON Whit.; POLINI MPON interpreted
as MAPANO BRUCE; POLINI ]et[ mpon interpreted as [ET] M[ATR]ONIS
Hueb.; POLINI MAPONO R.G.C.; MAPONO rejected by Heichelheim; POLLINI
MAPONO R.P.W.; POLLINI MAPONO Richm. 5. BREVENM Camd. 1607; BRENETENN
Whit.; BRENETENN Hinde, 7. ANTONI Bruce; ]p. antoni hUEB.; ]L
ANTONI R.G.C.; A]EL ANTONI R.P.W. 8. VS.MEG VI Anon., Damd.; M(ILES)
(L)EG VI Hors.; VSoLEG VI Whit. noting that 'the M appears to
be compounded of the letter L and the centurial mark'; NVS LEG
VI Bruce; [AN]VS 7 LEG Richm. The imperfect letter at the beginning
of the line is certainly N, but AN is not excluded. The name was
therefore either Antoninus or Antonianus. 9. DOMO corrected to
DOMV Bruce, Hueb., R.G.C.10. ELITER Anon., Camd.; VELITERIS Whit.;
MELITENIS Bruce. 11. NIIINI Hueb.; AEPIIEII R.G.C.; [P]RAEP N
ET R. Richm. 12-16 Too badly weathered for reading.
(Possible reading of the text:)
1. Deo san pollini Mapono o salute D
2. N n eq Sar
3. Bremetenn ordiani el An-
4 toninus c leg VI Vic domo
5.Melitenis praep n et r)
[Note: * Concerning the symbolism and meaning of this type of
hat see Adorján Magyar's Az Õsmûveltség
(The Ancient Culture).
**See the above work concerning the Sarmatian's religious wordgroup
szól and szór (to scatter, to speak), quoted at
length later.
*** The flowing locks and the attire of the younger woman are
of Iasi fashion. See later Adorján Magyar's explanation.
****It is the fashion of the Hungarian peoples to leave the girls'
hair uncovered, and there is a special word - hajadonfõn
- (lit."in the manner of a young girl"), meaning an
uncovered hair. It is for this reason the younger lady on the
relief does not wear a veil.
*****It is the older, married woman who is expected to wear a
veil, according to Hungarian tradition.
According to the British author the two female figures symbolize
two geographic aspects of Britain. On closer examination one has
to realize that Apollo's representation and that of the two women
belong within the symbolism of the Hungarian peoples. We can define
it more closely even as the symbolism of the Sarmata-Ias peoples,
who were actually present in England at this time. For the Iazyg-Ias
identity see later quotes. Ed.]
584. Altar found at Ribchester in 1603 when Camden saw
it 'in the house of T. Rodes'. Now lost. Reprinted from Camden.
PACIFE Pacife/ro Marti / ELEGA
RO MARTI VR/BA Pos/uit ex uo/to
ELEGAVR
BA POS "To Mars the Pacebringer...set this up in
VIT EX VO accordance with her vow.
TO
3,4 ELEGA VR/BA Camd.; [F]L [SC]AVR[IAN]A Momm. (quoted by Hueb.);
[MA]E[CI]A URBA[NA] Hueb.
For Mars P acifer see CIL ix 5060, and Panofka Archaeologische
Zeitung XV (1857) 30.
585. Base 'about 18x about 36 in.' found in, or before
1568 in a wood called Kettlehurst in the manor of Salesbury, 1
1/2 miles east of Ribchester. Seen apparently in 1603 by Camden
at Salesbury Hall. Now lost. Reproduced from Lacye in B.M. MS.
CIL vii 220 ILS 3162. Talbot B.M. MS. Cott.Jul.
F. X f.120v [137v]. Lacye ibid. Camden (1586) 431, 1607) 614.
Hopkinson Ribchester (ed.3, Atkinson) 29 no.12.
Deo Marti / et Victoriae / PR....NO / H. CC. NN.
"To the god Mars and to Victory
DEO MARTI / ET VICTORIAE / P.R.....NO / H. CC. NN. Lacye;
DEO / MARTI ET / VICTORIAE / DD AVGG. / ET CC....NN Camd. (1607),
giving apparently some interpretation of 11. 3,4, for which the
evidence is too uncertain.
From: The Roman Army in Britain, by P.A. Holder,
published by Batsford 1982
ISBN 0-7134-3629-8
Appendix: The Garrison of Britain (pages 124, 125)
"Cohors I fida Vardullorum milliaria equ. CR
Raised from the Vardulli of Spain by the reign of Claudius, this
cohors quingenaria is first recorded in Britain in AD98. By then
it had gained its block grant of citizenship and its honorific
title. These were possibly awarded on the Rhine during the revolt
of the Civilis. If so, the cohort would have moved to Britain
with Cerialis. Between 105 and 122 the unit was enlarged to become
a cohors milliaria. It is also recorded on the diplomas
of 124,135,146 and 154 or 159. During the first period of the
Antonine Wall it is attested at Castlecary under the command of
a prefect (RIB 2149). This means that it had been split into two
and that a vexillation was elsewhere. A vexillation of the cohort
is attested on Hadrian's Wall (RIB 1421) probably at this date.
In the later second century it is attested at Lanchester (RIB
1076, 1083), its presence at Corbridge at this time is not certain
(RIB 1128). During the third century it was the garrison of High
Rochester (RIB 1272 et.a.).
Cohors II. Vasconum CR.eq.
Raised from the Vascones of northern Spain by Galba, the cohort
fought in Lower Germany in AD70 (Tacitus, Hist.IV,33).
It was probably transferred to Britain with Cerialis. By 105 the
regiment had won a block grant of citizenship. It is recorded
on the diplomas of 105 and 122
NUMERI
Cuneus Frisionum Aballavensium
This cavalry unit is attested at Papcastle by two inscriptions
dated to the reign of Philip, AD244-249 (RIB 882,883). The epithet
shows that it had previously been the garrison of Burgh-by-Sands.
It was raised from the Frisii of Holland.
Cuneus Frisiorum Ver(coviciensium)
This cavalry unit is attested at Housesteads in the reign of Severus
Alexander (RIB 1594). It was raised from the Frisii of Holland.
Cuneus Frisiorum Vinoviensium
This cavalry unit was raised from the Frisii of Holland. It is
attested on an altar of third century date from Binchester (Vinovia)
whose name it takes (RIB 1036).
Cuneus Sarmatarum
This unit was formed from some of the 5,500 Sarmatians which
Marcus Aurelius sent to Britain in AD175. It is attested at Ribchester
in the third century. On two lost tombstones it is apparently
called an ala (RIB 594,595), and on a dedication it is called
numerus equitum Sarmatorum Bremetennacensium (RIB 583). It was
still at Ribchester according to the Notitia Dignitatum (Not.
Dig. Occ. XL, 54).
Cuneus [ ]rum
This unknown cavalry unit is recorded on a third-century altar
from Brougham (RIB 722).
Numerus Barcariorum
This unit is attested at Lancaster (RIB 601) in the third century.
Barcae were usually used for transportation and lighterage, but
because of their shallow draught, could also be useful for inshore
operations against an enemy. Such would be the function of the
barcarii at Lancaster. Thus, it was probably also the garrison
there in the fourth century when the fort was part of the naval
defences on the West Coast.
Numerus Barcariorum Tigrisensium
Recorded as stationed at South Shields in the Notitia Dignitatum
(Not.Dig.Occ. XL,22), this unit should be taken as separate
from the numerus Barcariorum (q.v.). It originally had been stationed
on the River Tigris.
Numerus Concangiensium
Numerous tiles have been found at Binchester with the stamp N.Con.
(VII 1234, et al.). This can be expanded to read numerus Concangiensium
- the unit of Concangis (Chester-le-Street). If this is correct
it would suggest the third century garrison of Chester-le-Street
was a numerus and that tiles it produced were used at Binchester.
Numerus Exploratorum (Netherby)
(Not.Dig.Occ.XL,25), stationed at Bowes. nem írom ki.
Numerus Exploratorum (Portchester)
(Not. Dig. Occ. XXVIII, 21), stationed at Portus Adurni. It was
probably one of the units of Exploratores (q.v.) stationed north
of Hadrian's Wall at Risingham or High Rochester. After the disaster
of AD367 an d the abandonment of this area the unit was moved
to Portchester. It was moved to the contingent early in the fifth
century and promoted to the field army. The regiment is recorded
as part of the field army of Gaul in the Notitia Dignitatum (Not.
Dig. Occ. VII. 110).
[Note: I quoted the presence of other Roman army units and their
stations to give a point of reference tof the Sarmatian presence.Ed.]
From: Roman Britain, by Peter Salway, Oxford 1981.
ISBN 0-19- 821717-x
(pages 207, 208, 536)
"...Sometime in the period 169-80 Q. Antistius Adventus was
appointed to Britain, and it may have been in his term of office
that one incident took place that is particularly interesting.
Marcus had been campaigning across the Danube against the Sarmatians,
a tribe famous for their armoured cavalry and proving extremely
troublesome to the frontier. It was Marcus' intention to solve
this difficulty, like Julius Agricola with the Ordovices, by wholesale
extermination. However the proclamation of Avidius Cassius as
emperor in Syria and Egypt caused him to break off the campaign,
which was going well - from his point of view. In haste he made
terms with the enemy, one of the details of which was the supply
of 8,000 Sarmatian cavalry for enrollment in the Roman army. Of
these, 5,500 were sent to Britain. (Dio, LXII. xvi)" [ "...Unlike
the Frisii and the Usipi of the Lower Rhine, where regiments were
raised before the areas had been formally incorporated in the
empire but Roman influence was already dominant, these were from
a region over which the Romans did not at that time exercise de
facto rule, though the inhabitants had been Roman clients
in the past. It is relevant that this happened at the same time
as Marcus was settling barbarians south of the Danube, as we have
noted, on abandoned lands to strengthen the frontier. (The Marcomanni,
Q,uadi, and Sarmatae-Iazyges were at the time settled in
the middle Danubian region: they had each had a long history of
conflict and semi-subjection to Rome and changed their homelands
several times. There had been relative peace since the end of
the first century, but in the time of Marcus Aurelius they seem
to have been set moving against the empire by pressure of other
barbarians behind them. They were to continue to give serious
trouble from time to time in the third and fourth centuries and
some of them were caught up in the great barbarian occupations
of large parts of the empire in the fifth.) New ideas were appearing,
even if in the form of ad hoc solutions to special problems.
What exactly was done with the Sarmatians sent to Britain is not
known. As veterans they are found later settled in the neighborhood
of Ribchester on the Ribble, still under special supervision and
therefore remaining a doubtful quantity. However they represented
a substantial reinforcement to the auxiliary forces in Britain,
wherever they were stationed on arrival and however subdivided.
The possibility of a reoccupation of Scotland may have been assisted
by this windfall for the army of Britain...."
"One special case is the appointment of a legionary centurion
as commander of the Sarmatian cavalry unit at Ribchester who also
has the title praepositus regionis. Two holders of this
post are known, one at some point between 222 and 235 (RIB 587),
the other 238 or later. (RIB 583). It has been argued that on
discharge those of the Sarmatians that had been compulsorily enrolled
and sent to Britain by Marcus Aurelius in 175 and not subsequently
posted elsewhere were settled together on land in the neighborhood
of Ribchester. (JRS 35 (1945). 25.) However these appointments
are a quarter of a century or more after the last of the Sarmatians
is likely to have left the army, and it is difficult to believe
they still needed special surveillance. Unless the post (or title
alone) remained because of administrative inertia, it is likely
that this district required direct control for some other reason
than a need to control an unusual group of veteran settlements.
One suggestion had been that the area had developed as a consequence
of the Sarmatian settlement into an important breeding centre
for cavalry horses. However it is difficult to see why the commander
of the local unit has a special title, since other auxiliary forts
are known to have had territoria and if necessary the district
could have formed part of the prata legionis if it was felt desirable
to have it directly under legionary control. The instance is not
yet to my mind completely explained, and others may well be found.
Nevertheless, there is little doubt that most of what was not
imperial estate or directly in army possession came to be administered
by the normal civil local authorities.
[Note: The reference literature places an equation mark between
the Sarmatae and the Iazygs. See Adorján Magyar's quoted
work concerning the Iazyg-Ias as the same people. Ed.]
Picture of a Sarmatian horseman:
Stone No. 137 from the Grosvenor Museum's Collection in Chester
Municipium Iasorum
(Excerpts taken from the Journal of Archaeology 1964. 2. no. Vol.
91 Akadémia Publ. Budapest (pg. 219-221), by Géza
Alföldi.
It is a well known fact that the middle of Southern Pannonia,
or more closely the region of Siscia Poetovio and Sirmium-Mursa
(Hungarian Eszék), and the territories bordered by Lake
Balaton and the Sava valley are very poor in Roman inscriptions,
and so we hardly know anything of this large region of Pannonia
during the Roman age. There were no significant excavations in
this territory. East of Aquae Iasae and west of Sirmium, the territory
between the Drava - Sava is terra incognita archaeologically speaking,
not to mention the Hungarian territories from Lake Balaton on
to the Drava where organized archaeological explorations are also
a task of the future.
The large Roman grave-altar, which we will discuss further, is
not a recent find and its inscription was also published. The
stone was found in 1920 at Daruvar. Its first publication was
done by Gj. Szabó [...] whose study was published in 1934.[...]
The text appeared in the original publication as below:
DM / AEL. L. FIL./ AELIANO.
SCRI / BAE. DEC. IIIVIR. / M.IASORUM. / AN. XLV. AEL /LAELIANUS
/ PATRI PIISIMO/ F.C.
We had an opportunity to study the inscription personally during
the summer of 1962 in the Zagrab Archaeological Museum. The correct
reading of the text is the following:
D(id) M(anibus). / P(ublio) Ael(io) P(ubi) fil(io) / Aeliano scri
/ bae dec(urioni) IIIIvir(o) / m(unicipii) Iasorum / an(norum)
XLV. Ael(ius) / Laelianus / patri piissimo / f(aciendum) c(uravit).
It is not difficult to find an approximate date of the inscription.
The A.P. Aelius name indicates that the citizenship of
the deceased municipal officeholder was of Hadrianic origin. The
father of P. Aelius Aelianus also held this citizenship
as the filiation attests to this fact. The naming of the filiation
does not permit to date the stone monument later than the middle
or the middle of the second half of the second century AD; the
carving of the capital letters and the beautiful workmanship of
the side panels showing the figures of Attis also support the
fact that this stone originated sometime in the Antonine age.
It seems most appropriate to date this stone to the middle of
the second century AD, or in other words, it dates around the
time of Antonius Pius, which of course does not exclude the possibility
that it was erected already at the time of Hadrian or Marcus.
The stone monument offers significant data of the historically
little known Iasi, which was the largest aboriginal community
of Pannonia. The Iasi community was originally one of the Pannonian
groups and was in close relationship with the other Pannonian
peoples (Andizetes, Breuci, Daesitiates, Maezaei,*and
so on.) [This last hyphenation is from the Ed.]. We are
not familiar with the history of these peoples during Roman times,
but it seems very possible that the Iasi did take part in the
great south Pannonian wars and foremost in the Pannonian-Dalmatian
insurrection of the 6th through the 9th century AD. After the
conquest, this ethnic group formed an administrative unit under
the name of civitas Iasorum, the extent of which was undoubtedly
large. According to Pliny, the river Dráva flows through
it, and according to this information, the Iasi populated parts
of Croatia and the Hungarian Transdanubia.
Toward the West, the civitas reached almost Poetovio.
East of Poetovio lies the settlement of Aquae Iasae (Varazdinske
Toplice), and, originally it belonged without doubt within the
Iasi territory and only later was it annexed to the colony of
Poetovio.
The southern border of the civitas lay between the Dráva
and Sava, and the southern neighbors of the Iasi were the
Celtic Varciani and the Pannonian Oseriates, the
Breuci lived south east of them.
To the east, the neighborhood of Daruvár was still Iasi
territory; this is evident not only from the inscription municipium
Iasorum we already mentioned, but all the other inscriptions
of which knew from earlier days and which were found in Daruvár
also mention a res publica Iasorum.
The eastern border of the civitas was identical with the border
that was divided into Pannonia Superior and Pannonia Inferior
from Trajan's time: The Iasi lived in Pannonia Superior, but their
eastern neighbors, the Andizetes, already belonged to Pannonia
Inferior.
You can draw the borders of the two Pannonian provinces with a
straight line running from the north to the south from the north
eastern end of Lake Balaton straight down to the lower section
of the river Batinus (Bosna), and so the Iasi territory
even extended east of Daruvár.
The northern borders of the civitas may be extended all the way
to Lake Balaton, and it is certain that the hill region of county
Somogy was still Iasi territory.
The civitas Iasorum was the largest among the aboriginal Pannonian
civitates.
[....]
[In the region of the Aqua Balissae, or Aqua Balizae] inscriptions
were found in earlier times which mentioned a res publica Iasorum
in the years of Septimius Severus in the third c. AD.
The autonomy of the Daruvár settlement can still be proven
in another way. A Roman inscription in the city of Rome called
this settlement Aquae Balizae, which hints to the fact
that this Aquae Balissae had a very large territory... The place
of origin of a third century AD eques singularis, Ulpius Cocceius,
is mentioned on this inscription as follows: ex Pan(nopnia) sup(eriore)
natus ad Aquas Balizas pago Iovista vic(o) Coc[co]netibus. The
Pagus Iovista is none else than the administrative district
of the settlement of Iovia near the Dráva east of
Aquae Iasae.
This municipal decurio whom we know from Aquae Isae was
probably a civil servant of the Daruvár municipium and
we know his title from another inscription at Varazdinske Toplice
where the most likely reading is the following: dec(urio) muni[c(ipii)
Iasorum]
*... The Iasi are mentioned by Pliny and Ptolemy among the civitates.
According to Ptolemy they lived in the eastern half of central
Pannonia Superior, north of the Oseriates which corresponds with
the already known facts. (Mócsy, A., Die Bevölkerung
von Pannonien bis zu den Markomannenkriegen. (Bp., 1959) Among
the antique outhors the Iasi is mentioned only by Stephanos
Byzantios. (Mayer, A., Die Sprache der alten Illyrier I.
Wien, 1957)
The border of the Breuci and the Oseriates was the river Batinus
(Bosna), and for this reason, we have to search further east for
the latter community, as this was already done earlier, and at
the same time we may extend the Varciani territory to the east
of Siscia too. (Alföldi, G., Acta Arch.Hung.12[1960]
363)
The identification of Iovia is not absolutely certain. There is
mention of two Iovias on the road between Poetovio-Mursa: between
Poetovio and Luntulis. According to our view, it is possible that
there was more than one Iovia station, which would be the Iovia,
mentioned first.
* The Maezaei (today's spelling: Mezei) is a common Hungarian
name in the present.
[Note: Compare the location of the uninhabited territories of
the quoted English references with the territory of the Municipium
Iasorum. Ed.]
Concerning the bare-breasted female figure on the carved stone
in England
Excerpts from Adorján Magyar, Az Õsmûveltség
(The Ancient Culture)
"We have to compare the above two drawings (1 and 2) with
the Canaanite female representation (3). We can observe this relief
is completely analogous with the Crete-Mycenean art, not only
with the very characteristic profile but also with several other
details such as the hair as it encircles the forehead in tiny
ringlets, the long lock of hair cascading downwards, and the attire,
which leaves the lady's breast completely bare which, according
to Mycanaean representations, was very fashionable." Adorján
Magyar discusses in detail the several thousand year Canaanite
presence in Syria and Palestine..."the Jász and some
of the other ancient indigenous inhabitants [of Hungary] that
migrated from their homeland belonged to them also." (page
373)
"István Gyárfás in his work The History
of the Jász-Kun (Vol.I. page 298) we read: 'Ptolemaios
enumerating the peoples of Pannonia places the Jassius
people into the vicinity of Sabaria (Szombathely). The Hungarian
National Museum exhibits a Roman stone which was excavated in
the old Savaria, today's Szombathely where the inscription reads
Lucius Savariensis Jon'. Gyárfás also mentions
that 'István Bizanti writes the following in 1694: "Jas,
part of Illuria, its inhabitants are the Jata; it is also
called Jonika." Furthermore quoting this new Greek
grammaticus he says the following: 'Mursa, the city of Jonika
built by Adrianus.'...On another Roman stone, which was excavated
near the old Mursa and today's city of Eszék dating before
192 AD the inscription reads: 'Divo Comodo Respublica Jasoru.'
The Ias (Jász) lived in Transdanubia and Slavonia
and, they were known as Ias (Jász) and Jon (Jón)
or Jónika, Jónia also. We also know that
in earlier days the Ias (Jász) lived in Erdély
and Moldova too. Gyárfás states the following: "Near
Várhely on an excavated Roman stone which dates to the
times of Antonius Pius around the year 140 AD the following text
may be read - among others: '...pro saluta et felici Pont., Max.
et Anniae Faustinae Aug. Coniugi C. Clod. VI. Praef. M. Dacorum
Jassiorum hanc statuam is Auroria numinibus', etc. and
on a second stone with Greek inscription and a third stone with
latin inscription we read: "Axius Aelianus Jonius" which
lets us know that the Dák-Jász lived in Erdély
(Transylvania) or Moldova (Moldavia) in 153 AD and that the Ionius
(Jonius)and the Jassius(Jassius) is the very same Ias
(Jász) nation." (p.384)
[Note: concerning the identical attire of the Iasi and the Sarmatae:
1. See Vol. I of the Journal and the attire of the Sarmatian soldier
2. The above quoted English literature brings an equasion between
the Iazygs and the Sarmatians.
3. See the attire of the Sarmatian soldier on the Ribchester stone.
4. See Adorján Magyar's words on the subject below: Ed.]
"Classical historians mention that the Ias who lived between
the Duna (Danube) and the Tisza fought primarily with bows and
arrows, and the Iasius or Iazygs on the Trajan monument are also
depicted with bows and arrows, and helmets on their heads, and
both they and their horses wore scale armaments. It is also evident
that the (Hungarian) words íj and íjász
(bow and archer) are not a Greek loan-words in the Hungarian language,
but on the contrary, the Greeks inherited these words from the
ancient Ionians or Iasi, or archers (íjász); this
is further validated by the fact that the new crescent moon in
its first very thin phase resembles a bow of which we spoke earlier.
We mentioned that in Turkish aj = moon, and in the Turkish,
Tatár, and Ujgur languages, jej, jaj = bow (íj
in Hungarian) which clearly shows that the Hungarian, Turkish,
Tatár, and Ujgur languages (this latter being an old Turkish
dialect) did not take the words for moon and bow from the Greek,
but the Greek inherited this word from the Ias inhabitants of
Crete and the Greek peninsula. They use the io, ios words
with an incorrect meaning. I mentioned before that the Moongod
of the Jász was called Jón and Jázon and
that the crescent moon resembles a bow; this connection is clearly
reflected in the Turkish word aj meaning moon and jaj
meaning bow, but these same connections do not exist in the Greek
language. (p. 384-5)
Finally, I have to emphasize the very obvious difference between
the very sophisticated attire of the Iasi sporting armor, helmets,
sleeves, and the relatively very poor appearance of the Germanic
fighting men on the same Trajan stone. This fact shows that the
culture of the Iasi of those days was far more advanced than that
of the Germanic peoples. This latter statement is also validated
by the fact that the Romans were never able to subjugate the Iasi
nor occupy their land between the Duna (Danube) and the Tisza
rivers and therefore this land - although it was surrounded on
three sides by the mighty Roman empire - remained free from their
subjugation until the fall of the Roman empire. It is also true
that the Romans did push through at the southern border, but their
rule here was very short lasting. It was in these days that the
so called Roman trenches were built, but they are a testament
to the fact that they were built by the Ias against the Romans
and not the other way around." (pg. 386)
Concerning the Sarmatians:
"The Hungarian word for grapes (szõlõ) corresponds
with the Near Eastern and Canaanite Solim nation's name, but its
variation with "R" also corresponds with the name of
the Sarmatians who lived on the territory of Hungary.
South of this [Tanger] - according to Movers - on a land rich
with lush vegetation grapes were once cultivated in an unbroken
chain [Movers F.: Die Phönizier.I. Vol. Bonn, 1841
II. Vol. l (Polit. Gesch. u. Staatsverfassung.) Berlin, 1849 Vol.II.
part 2. (Geschichte der Colonien.) Berlin, 1850 Vol II.. part
3., Vol.II. p.528. (Handel und Schiffahrt.) Berlin, 1856] so much
so that the surviving grape vines now gone wild can still be found
aplenty on this land. Knowing this, the ancient place-names become
very interesting: Soleis, Soloencia, Zelitz, or Azila (pages Movers
II/2 534 and 537), which appear to be the corrupted versions -
conforming to the requirements of an alien tongue - of the Hungarian
word szõlõ (grape)."
Adorján Magyar also mentions that Syleus of Roman
Mythology, who lived in a vineyard, Silenus the advisor
of Bacchus, and all the silens bear a relationship to the
Hungarian word szõlõ (grape). Silenus is
the personification of the grape plant the silens of its branches.
The city of Siloh was famous for its vine production (Moses
I:XLIX:10,11). The name of the Hungarian town Szeleus in
Torontál county bears a close resemblance to Syleus'
name. The name Szeleus was derived from Szõlõs,
but its form changed through the use of the later Rumanian adopters
of this name." (page 939) Adorján Magyar later explains
how the name of the county Zala, which is famous for her
vines in Transdanubia, also corresponds with the word Szala
(pg.939).
"It is a fact that in Roman times on the south western border
of Erdély (Transylvania) stood the city of Sarmisegetusa
(later Várhely, today the Rumanian and Serbian population
uses the name Gradistye. Both names mean castle), which name must
have meant the Isle of the Sarmatians or the Sarm-island, which
was really a stronghold that was either built onto an island of
the river, or had a channel around it."
"We also find (in Zala county) here place-names such
as Salonvár and Szill (the latter belongs
to Somogy county). But there is another element that validates
my statements surprisingly well: Near today's Zalaegerszeg,
which is a city in the renowned vine growing territory, stood
a city in Roman times called Sala (H. Kiepert: „Atlas
antiquus." Berlin, 1863. table IX..). We realized from the
above data that the Hungarian name Szala originated from the Hungarian
word szala meaning grapes (szõlõ),
and if the Szala name already existed in this vine growing region
in Roman times than without doubt, it is proven that the Hungarian
language already existed here in Roman times. Finally we may also
mention that according to the above named German atlas there stood
a city called Silacenae in Roman times near Kaposvár
(Somogy county) which is the same location where today's town
of Szill is situated." (942-3)
In connection with Apollo's representation on the English stone:
"Furthermore we have seen that according to the very poetic
imagery of our ancestors - but which was always in full accord
with reality - the fecund Sun always disperses the seeds of life,
the energy or soul-atoms, into space and upon our earth. It is
this line of thought that is expressed in the Solim-Sarmatian
name of the Sun, which was Szór (to scatter), Szól
(to speak), since the szór verb could easily have had
a softened form with "l" pronunciation with a double
meaning - that of scattering and speaking. The uttering of sounds
is a form of energy and is just as active as the act of scattering.
It is in agreement also that, for example, the Greek Sungod Apollon
and Orpheos was believed to sing and play the harp beautifully
and they used to represent him in such a manner. We also have
seen that a man scattering seeds became the symbol of fecundity
and the fecund properties of the sun and the Sungod in Hungary.
The scattering of seeds when planting cereal crops was always
done by a man up to our present times, although this is an easy
job. This was done so honoring an ancient tradition although the
symbolism was not always remembered behind the tradition. (p.961)"
Adorján Magyar was born in 1887 in Budapest. His father
was an officer at the Hussar regimen, his grandfather was an architect.
He spent his childhood years in the Transylvanian cities of Segesvár
and Marosvásárhely where his father's regiment was
stationed. After finishing his schooling in Hungary, he went to
study art (painting and sculpting) at the Academy of Art at Rome
and Firenze; he also worked in the studios of two sculptors. He
was deeply interested from his late teens in art, folk-art, ethnography,
and languages, especially as they relate to his Hungarian heritage.
He spoke Latin and nine modern languages fluently. He spent his
long life collecting and researching data in these fields. His
intensive research convinced him that the presently held thesis
of the Magyar's Asiatic origin is incorrect and recognized them
as the ancient inhabitants of the Carpathian Valley. He wrote
several scholarly articles and books on the subject. He considered
his major work and summary of a lifetime's research work The
Ancient Culture. He had his home in Zelenika, a town on the
Adriatic seaboard.
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